Friday, January 09, 2026
Where does Farage stand on Russia and UK security?
The paper refers to the statement by Britain and France that they would be ready to send troops to Ukraine after a peace deal, and that the Reform UK leader said he would vote against any such move to put boots on the ground:
Farage’s comments cast doubt on his commitment to the UK’s national security, the cabinet minister Pat McFadden said. He accused the politician of taking a pro-Russia stance on the issue, which he said should give voters “pause for thought”.
“This guarantee is not just for Ukraine, it’s for the whole of Europe,” he said. “It’s in the British national interest that we do that, and that’s why it’s so concerning to me to see some politicians, like Mr Farage, for example, immediately come out [and] parrot the Kremlin line and say that he wouldn’t support this.”
Farage faced criticism for “not really [being] an MP at all” on Wednesday after choosing to appear on Times Radio instead of attending prime minister’s questions in the Commons. During the broadcast he criticised Starmer’s Ukraine policy and said he would vote against any proposal to deploy troops to the country.
“It would be a very interesting vote. I would vote against,” said Farage, who is one of five Reform MPs. “We neither have the manpower nor the equipment to go into an operation that clearly has no ending timeline.”
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Farage’s stance on Russia has become a key Labour attack line against Reform, in particular since the jailing of the party’s former leader in Wales Nathan Gill in last November for taking bribes to make statements in favour of Russia when he was an MEP.
In the past, Farage has spoken of his admiration for Putin as a political operator and repeatedly warned the west against “poking the Russian bear with a stick”, accusing the EU of provoking the war in Ukraine in 2024. After criticism, he wrote in the Telegraph that Putin’s invasion of Ukraine was “immoral, outrageous and indefensible” but added: “[I]f you have neither the means nor the political will to face him down, poking a bear is obviously not good foreign policy.”
A Labour spokesperson said Farage’s comments were the “behaviour of Putin’s puppet”. They said: “Nigel Farage’s equivocation on support for Ukraine is an insult to those who have fought to defend freedom.
“When Farage shrugs at support for Ukraine, a country that has been brutally invaded, people are entitled to ask who he is really speaking for, because this is not patriotism, it’s the behaviour of Putin’s puppet.”
Farage and Reform's attitude towards Putin and Russia needs to be scrutinised much more closely and publicised widely.
Thursday, January 08, 2026
Labour turn the screw on higher education
The Guardian quotes the the Institute for Fiscal Studies who say that universities that relied on fees from international students have also been hit by the last government’s visa changes, which set off a steep fall in the numbers coming to study in the UK. A freeze on tuition fees has not helped either.
Of course, those who might have expected that a Labour government might relax the visa regime. enabling higher education instititions to recover some of the overseas student market, were predictably disappointed when their ministers made it clear that they were not prepared to do that.
Effectively, public funding has contracted and other sources of income have been stretched thinner and thinner, while academic careers have become increasingly precarious as permanent jobs have disappeared. However, things may well get worse as this Guarduan editorial makes clear:
If the sector looked forward to better treatment under a Labour government, its hopes have been dashed. No sooner had Bridget Phillipson announced plans to change the law so that tuition fees will in future rise with inflation, than another decision wiped out the modest gains from this one. From 2028, universities must pay a new flat tax or “levy” of £925 for every international student that they recruit. Coming on top of tighter visa restrictions, which have already made such recruitment harder, some universities will find it increasingly difficult to balance their books. As students and academics return to campuses this month, 24 institutions are regarded by their regulator, the Office for Students, as being at risk of collapse within 12 months. More could exit the market in the next few years.
Further strikes, cuts and closures are likely. But judging by the plans published so far, ministers are ill-prepared for what is coming. The white paper published in the autumn said that universities should work more closely with further education providers. It also promised reform of the research excellence framework and a new power for the Office for Students to cap numbers. But while such problem-solving measures are fine in themselves, they do not add up to an overall strategy, or explain what the promised “change of approach” is meant to achieve.
Despite all their difficulties, universities remain an enormous and irreplaceable national asset. As well as educating millions of people, they generate about £24bn in export earnings, which is about 1% of GDP – more than aircraft manufacturing and legal services combined, as a recent study of public attitudes to higher education pointed out. It was right for ministers to make skills policy a priority. Reform of the options for school leavers and adult learners was long overdue. But ministers cannot continue to ignore the impossible situation that universities have been placed in by successive governments. They need a policy of their own.
So much for Labour's commitment to higher education.
Wednesday, January 07, 2026
The pylons marching across Wales
The news site says that Dr Jonathan Dean, a trustee of the countryside charity CPRW, has written a lengthy submission to the Independent Advisory Group on Future Electricity Grid for Wales in which he argues that a new transmission grid from north to south Wales is wholly unnecessary:
He states: “In our experience, the main issue the public have with overhead electricity lines is pylons. The public just don’t like them. The bigger they are, the more they dislike them.
“The subject has been extensively studied in the academic literature. There are even books on the topic, and a study into the Hinckley C connection by Matthew Cotton and Patrick Devine-Wright in the Journal of Environmental Planning and Management reached the following interesting conclusions:
* The findings show how potential health effects from electric and magnetic fields (EMF) and visual impacts are perceived to industrialise rural places,disrupt place attachments and provoke local opposition.
* The findings challenge the ‘not-in-my- back-yard’ assumption that citizens are selfish place-protectionists that lack the technical sophistication necessary to take a strategic viewpoint on transmission system development.
* They also reveal how decision making under the … Planning Inspectorate … presents a challenge to procedural justice, as front-loaded developer-led consultation practices curtail citizen input to key decisions on alternative technologies (for example, underground or undersea lines). This is likely to exacerbate public mistrust of transmission system operators and provoke further organised protest.
“So in brief, people don’t like them due to health worries and visual amenity loss, it’s wrong to brand them NIMBYs and things won’t change unless the planning process does.”
Dr Dean points out that there is a presumption in favour of pylons as the default technology, but that offshore wind, and any associated infrastructure is deemed a Critical National Priority, with the highest level of support in the planning system.
He states: “The stage seems set for more public opposition as the plans for progressing to net zero, in the long term, and clean power, in the short term, get revealed.”
Pylons are used by both the transmission grids and distribution grids. For pylons carrying a voltage higher than 132 kV, the development of overhead lines is consented via the Planning Act 2008, with applications examined by the Planning Inspectorate and decided by the Secretary of State for Energy Security and Net Zero, Ed Miliband.
132 kV is the highest distribution voltage and consented the same as transmission, except for the cases of lines serving Welsh generators that are totally in Wales, in which case they are examined by the Welsh Government’s planning body PEDW and decided by Welsh Ministers.
Dr Dean states that lines of under 132 kV are typically on wooden poles or double poles, and are far less controversial with the public. It is the 132 kV and 400 kV lines that cause the majority of issues, and most of these are consented by the Secretary of State.
He continues: “Wales has committed to be globally responsible by hosting enough renewables to at least meet its own electricity needs by 2035.
“It is entirely feasible for Wales to generate the equivalent of 100% of its electricity demand by 2035 using only offshore wind power. This would have a dramatic impact on the requirements of the transmission and distribution grids.
“It is our opinion that the reason this is not happening is because the Welsh Government has failed to secure sufficient development leases from the Crown Estate, either under the previous UK government or the current one. This may be due to the constant confusion between a need for more offshore capacity and the desire for the Crown Estate to be devolved.
“It would be entirely possible for Wales to have far more offshore wind power irrespective of the status of the Crown Estate. While CPRW does support devolution of the Crown Estate in Wales, this should not be seen, or used, as a means of delaying the building of more offshore wind capacity, particularly in the Irish Sea which is shallow and able to be developed using conventional fixed base turbines (like the North Sea).”
There appears to be two issues here. Firstly, the need to concentrate more on off-shore wind, but secondly if the Crown Estates was devolved to the Welsh Government, it would make it much easier for them to advance that agenda.
In the meantime, there needs to be a clear policy to underground cables rather than rely on pylons to better protect our landscapes.
Tuesday, January 06, 2026
The empty rhetoric of Reform
The paper says that in addition, a 5% council tax rise has not been ruled out by leaders at Reform-led Lancashire and Kent county councils, as well as in Warwickshire:
The increase in council tax in Derbyshire is expected to raise about £29m this financial year and will coincide with a new round of cuts worth £22m, according to its budget saving proposals.
The savings do not appear to include significant job cuts, despite council leader, Alan Graves, pledging to do so after claiming the local authority was 20% overstaffed.
The budget proposals report blames inflation, rising demand and the government’s new local government funding formula as having contributed to budgetary pressures.
It states the council “being a rural shire county has suffered as a result of the reforms” and in order to “maintain funding levels there will be a need to set increases in council tax at the maximum permitted level”.
The proposed increase in council tax has attracted criticism from opposition councillors in Derbyshire who accuse the party of “empty rhetoric”.
Conservative opposition leader, Alex Dale, said: “It is now painfully clear that Reform’s promise to ‘cut your taxes’, plastered across leaflets and campaign material right across the county in last year’s elections, was nothing more than empty rhetoric.
“Residents were sold a simple slogan, but the reality is that those promises were as worthless as the paper they were printed on.”
Gez Kinsella, the leader of the Green group at the council, said the party had promised to “cut taxes and improve services”, adding: “Reform’s ‘moon on a stick’ promises are turning out to be as true as the previous Conservative administration fantasy economics.”
Kinsella shared leaflets and letters she said Reform had distributed in Derbyshire before the local elections which pledged to “cut your taxes” and criticised rising council tax bills amid cuts to services.
In March this year, Derbyshire councillor Martin Bromley also posted an image on Facebook which included the statement: “Say no to Labour … say no to increased council tax.”
Reform UK said it never promised to freeze or reduce council tax during the election campaign and any pledges to reduce taxes were in relation to national policy.
Similar criticisms have also been raised at other Reform-led councils.
Leicestershire county council leader, Dan Harrison, declared the party would be able to “cut council tax” after the May local elections. However, just six months later, Harrison conceded that, although “a council tax freeze is our aspiration … conditions are unlikely to allow this for next year”.
The so-called disruptors turn out to be nothing of the sort. Quel surprise!
Monday, January 05, 2026
Is rejoining the EU in the UK's future?
The paper says that the YouGov survey, carried out in six European countries, shows 50 per cent of voters in the UK would vote to be an EU member if there was a referendum now, compared to 45 per cent and 46 per cent in France and Italy. The numbers were higher in Germany (62 per cent) Denmark (75 per cent) and Spain (66 per cent):
It also found that in Britain, just 31 per cent of people said they would vote to be outside the EU – far fewer than the 52 per cent who backed Brexit nearly a decade ago. In France, that figure was 30 per cent, Italy 28 per cent, Germany 20 per cent, Denmark 14 per cent and Spain 13 per cent.
The findings will put pressure on Keir Starmer days after No 10 said he would stick to his EU “red lines”, despite an interview in which Wes Streeting appeared to back a customs union with the bloc.
In what was seen as a direct challenge to Sir Keir, his health secretary said a “deeper trading relationship” with Europe would boost UK economic growth.
The Labour leader has pledged a “reset” of UK-EU relations but has rejected calls to rejoin the group or become part of its single market or customs union.
Despite Sir Keir’s stance, Labour ministers have begun to talk up the economic costs of Brexit more.
Last month, it was reported that Baroness Shafik, Sir Keir’s chief economic adviser, privately recommended rejoining the customs union in the run-up to November’s Budget, arguing it would cut costs for businesses and increase exports.
The deputy prime minister, David Lammy, also suggested that rejoining the union could increase economic growth, although he stressed it was not government policy.
It comes after an analysis seen by The Independent revealed that Brexit is costing the UK up to £90bn a year in lost tax revenues.
Lib Dem Europe spokesperson Al Pinkerton said: "The British people are tired of the economic self-harm imposed by the Conservatives’ broken Brexit deal. The government must stop burying their heads in the sand and listen to the clear majority of voters who are crying out for closer relations with our neighbours.”
Surely, it is time that Starmer started listening, the UK's economy depends on it.
Sunday, January 04, 2026
Poorest get poorer under Labour
The paper says that data from Retail Economics shows that the amount the poorest households have left over after bills and essential spending has fallen by 2.1 per cent since Labour came to power in July 2024, but the most affluent households have seen their discretionary incomes rise by 10.3 per cent:
The new figures from Retail Economics, an independent economic consultancy, look at discretionary income, which is how much money families have left after spending on essentials.
Nicholas Found, from the group, said: “The reality is that lower-income families are still grappling with the legacy of surging prices, with finances playing catch-up as the cost of everyday products is significantly higher than it was four years ago.”
The figures include changes in tax and some bills which are not captured by official figures from the Office for National Statistics.
It is little wonder that Labour are struggling in the polls.
Saturday, January 03, 2026
A castle and a country house
Dinefwr Castle is a ruined castle overlooking the River Towy. It lies on a ridge on the northern bank of the Towy, with a steep drop of one hundred feet to the river. Dinefwr was the chief seat of the Dinefwr dynasty of the Kingdom of Deheubarth. The castle is a Grade I listed building. I was there a few days ago and, as you can see, the views are spectacular.
As Wikipedia says, tradition relates that a castle was first constructed on this site by Rhodri the Great, but no archaeological remains have been dated from this period:
Dinefwr later became the chief seat of Rhodri's grandson Hywel Dda, first ruler of Deheubarth and later king of most of Wales. Rhys ap Gruffydd, ruler of Deheubarth from 1155 to 1197, is thought to have rebuilt the castle. Giraldus Cambrensis tells a story about a plan by King Henry II of England to assault the castle during a campaign against Rhys. One of Henry's most trusted followers was sent on reconnaissance, guided by a local Welsh cleric, who was asked to lead him to the castle by the easiest route, but instead took the most difficult route he could find, ending the performance by stopping to eat grass with the explanation that this was the diet of the local people in times of hardship. The planned attack was duly abandoned.
On Rhys ap Gruffydd's death the castle passed to his son Rhys Gryg, and the earliest parts of the present castle are thought to derive from this period. Llywelyn the Great of Gwynedd was now extending his influence to this area, and Rhys, finding himself unable to resist, dismantled the castle. Llywelyn however had it restored and held it until his death in 1240. In 1255 Llywelyn the Last gave Dinefwr to Rhys Fychan, then later gave it to Maredudd ap Rhys before later returning it to Rhys Fychan. Maredudd now allied himself to King Edward I of England, and his son Rhys ap Maredudd helped Edward capture Dinefwr in 1277. This Rhys had apparently been promised Dinefwr in return for his help, but Edward did not keep his promise and had Rhys executed in 1291.
The castle now came into English hands, though it is recorded to have been burnt during the rebellion of Llywelyn Bren in 1316. In 1317 it was given to Hugh Despenser, the king's favourite. It was unsuccessfully besieged by the forces of Owain Glyndŵr in 1403. Towards the end of the 15th century the castle was held by Sir Rhys ap Thomas, who carried out extensive rebuilding. In 1531 his grandson Rhys ap Gruffydd was executed for treason and the castle was confiscated by the crown, though the family were later able to recover it.
In 1660 Newton House (pictured) was built nearby and the castle keep modified as a summer house. The remains of the large windows can be seen at the top of the keep, but it burned down in the 18th century. The castle is now owned by the Wildlife Trust of South and West Wales and managed by CADW on their behalf.
Dinefwr later became the chief seat of Rhodri's grandson Hywel Dda, first ruler of Deheubarth and later king of most of Wales. Rhys ap Gruffydd, ruler of Deheubarth from 1155 to 1197, is thought to have rebuilt the castle. Giraldus Cambrensis tells a story about a plan by King Henry II of England to assault the castle during a campaign against Rhys. One of Henry's most trusted followers was sent on reconnaissance, guided by a local Welsh cleric, who was asked to lead him to the castle by the easiest route, but instead took the most difficult route he could find, ending the performance by stopping to eat grass with the explanation that this was the diet of the local people in times of hardship. The planned attack was duly abandoned.
On Rhys ap Gruffydd's death the castle passed to his son Rhys Gryg, and the earliest parts of the present castle are thought to derive from this period. Llywelyn the Great of Gwynedd was now extending his influence to this area, and Rhys, finding himself unable to resist, dismantled the castle. Llywelyn however had it restored and held it until his death in 1240. In 1255 Llywelyn the Last gave Dinefwr to Rhys Fychan, then later gave it to Maredudd ap Rhys before later returning it to Rhys Fychan. Maredudd now allied himself to King Edward I of England, and his son Rhys ap Maredudd helped Edward capture Dinefwr in 1277. This Rhys had apparently been promised Dinefwr in return for his help, but Edward did not keep his promise and had Rhys executed in 1291.
The castle now came into English hands, though it is recorded to have been burnt during the rebellion of Llywelyn Bren in 1316. In 1317 it was given to Hugh Despenser, the king's favourite. It was unsuccessfully besieged by the forces of Owain Glyndŵr in 1403. Towards the end of the 15th century the castle was held by Sir Rhys ap Thomas, who carried out extensive rebuilding. In 1531 his grandson Rhys ap Gruffydd was executed for treason and the castle was confiscated by the crown, though the family were later able to recover it.
Friday, January 02, 2026
Will 2026 be a crunch year for Reform?
Coincidentally (or not), Nation Cymru published an article on new year's eve by Desmond Clifford, a former head of office for the Welsh First Minister, which demands to know why Labour is undermining the devolution they created, and which very much reflects the hopeless position Welsh Labour are currently in as a result of their own actions, but also, of course, the impact of Keir Starmers government.
The Guardian interviews Yuliia Bond, a a Ukrainian refugee who has settled in south Wales, who says she could not remain silent as Reform tried to win a Senedd seat in the Caerphilly by-election.
Nigel Farage’s party was confident it could win the byelection, especially as Labour, the dominant party in Wales for a century, appears to be in freefall. However, an energetic campaign by the Welsh nationalists, Plaid Cymru – and people like Bond – kept out the rightwing party:
“Members of our Ukrainian community spoke up,” Bond said. “We challenged the disinformation because we didn’t want our neighbours to be misled into resenting us. I didn’t want people to turn against us because of lies. So I spoke up and others did, too.
“Reform UK tried to create panic and hate with tactics used not only in the UK, but by far-right political parties all over Europe and across the world. The messages they used in Caerphilly didn’t feel local. They felt imported – like someone copied a script from another country and dropped it through our doors.”
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“Their biggest mistake was assuming that people here have no critical thinking,” Bond said. “They thought nobody would check the facts. They assumed that refugees are not just vulnerable, but somehow stupid. That is not true. We may have escaped a war, but we are not stupid. We understand policies.”
The paper says that one of Reform’s key claims was that the Welsh government’s nation of sanctuary scheme showed both it and Plaid supported a “mass immigration agenda” and “asylum seekers” were receiving “preferential treatment”, but the claim did not hold water as more than 80% of the nation of sanctuary money has been spent on supporting Ukrainian refugees:
Bond spoke to the Guardian in the “gratitude orchard” in Caerphilly, planted by members of the Ukrainian community in the town as a thank-you for the warm welcome they have received.
She said the arrival of Reform had put pressure on Ukrainian people in the area. “Vulnerable people should not have to carry this burden. Yet, during the election, we had to raise our voices first. Only later did support come – from local residents, politicians from different parties, and local media.”
There are full Senedd elections in May when Reform has hopes of becoming the largest party in Wales.
Bond said people campaigning against Reform in Wales in May and in other elections across the UK had to challenge the party’s messages swiftly and with conviction.
“As a Ukrainian, I know how dangerous disinformation can be. The war in Ukraine did not start with weapons. It started with disinformation, propaganda and lies that prepared the ground for violence.
“Disinformation must be challenged early, strongly and clearly, because hate spreads faster than facts. The two months of that byelection were truly exhausting. We just had to survive it. But we survived together, and that is why the hate campaign failed in Caerphilly.”
This article is important because it shows that Reform's misinformation and propaganda can be challenged and defeated. However, Farage's party is still poised to exploit a rich vein of disillusionment across Wales, as is made plain in the Independent. They went to Merthyr to test the public mood there:
Dotted around Maesteg are smaller villages such as Caerau, which was identified in a 2019 Welsh government report as the fifth most deprived area in Wales. Rows of grey-coloured social housing stretch down the valley, while its formerly grand Station Hotel remains abandoned after a police raid in 2021 found weapons and drugs.
Driving along the winding roads between the two Rhondda valleys, little remains of the coal mines that formerly blighted the countryside. For over a century, Labour have been able to rely on the support of these former mining communities to propel them into power in both Westminster and the Senedd.
But while the terraced houses remain, loyalty towards Sir Keir Starmer’s party has all but vanished, with Wales’ first minister, Eluned Morgan, now facing an uphill battle to regain trust ahead of the May elections.
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“The Valleys and west Wales are two of Europe’s most deprived regions,” Joe Rossiter of the Institute of Welsh Affairs said. “They had a lot of infrastructure spending from the EU and it’s not led to the economic transformation of those communities, really.
“When that money is gone, where is the scale of investment that is going to provide long-term jobs in the future? The Welsh government don’t have the money to do that.”
As of October, polls currently show a two-horse race between Plaid Cymru and Reform UK, with Labour trailing dismally in third place.
“If those polls come to fruition, that is a fundamental realignment of Welsh politics and will see the end of Labour being prominent for over 100 years,” he said.
The Caerphilly by-election shows that where Reform's untruths are tackled head-on then they can be beaten. The elections in May however, will not be a standard first past the post contest like that by-election. The new system means that parties final seat tally will largely reflect the proportion of the electorate who vote for them.
It is not therefore a straight Plaid-Reform contest. How the other parties perform, especially in competing for the crucial sixth seat in each constituency, could determine which will be the largest party, possible coalitions, and who will be providing the next First Minister.
Farage has earmarked May's elections as a key stepping stone on his party's journey to power. That means 2026 is not just a crunch year for him, but it is a crunch year for Welsh democracy and the UK as a whole, as well.
If we can learn the lessons of the Caerphilly campaign, and how people rallied behind those being scapegoated by Reform, then we can defeat the politics of hate and division they preach.
Thursday, January 01, 2026
Another Brexit-blow to our economy
The paper says that the UK had hoped to secure a carve-out by Christmas on the carbon border adjustment mechanism (CBAM), but EU commissioners have confirmed this is not going to happen:
UK Steel says the exemption is unlikely to be in place before Easter, resulting in detailed paperwork for exporters in a repeat of Brexit when they were hit with paperwork on customs and standards of their goods.
The documentation requires exporters to provide a detailed paper trail of carbon emissions generated during the manufacturing process.
It will apply to scores of products made with steel and aluminium, including washing machines and car parts, under plans Brussels announced on Wednesday. It will also apply to fertiliser, cement and energy exports.
While the UK privately expressed hopes of a deal before Christmas, industry insiders say it was never in the realms of political reality.
The EU signed off the mandate on negotiations only in early December, making any deal outside a high-level political agreement involving all 27 member states, some of which have little interest in the UK, impossible.
A government insider said it would now be “prudent for businesses to prepare on the basis that the EU CBAM will be in force” from January, with support and information available from the Department for Business and Trade.
Make UK, the manufacturing trade body, said the paperwork would be “extensive” and hit businesses badly.
Frank Aaskov, the director of energy and climate change policy at UK Steel, said: “It is going to have significant negative impact. The paperwork is definitely significant. It will be quite a burden on SMEs [small and medium-sized enterprises].”
Aaskov said the taxes, set, for example, at €13 (£11) a tonne for “hot rolled wire”, a raw material for construction, fencing and engineering, would be significant for the steel industry.
“That kind of steel costs about €650 per tonne, so it seems like a small cost, but the steel business is ruthless, with imports from China very competitive, and anything up to €5 per tonne can be the difference between getting a contract and losing a contract.”
While the taxes do not have to be paid until 2027 and could be cancelled until a potential deal next year, it adds to the nightmare the UK steel is already facing with the EU.
Under the bloc’s rules, talks will now proceed in two stages, the first a formal discussion to decide the terms of reference and the second on emissions trading systems.
Months ago the EU announced it would match Donald Trump’s tariffs on steel, doubling levies on imports from third countries such as the UK to 50%, in a decision condemned as an “existential threat” to the beleaguered British steel industry.
And a happy Brexit New Year to you all too.
Wednesday, December 31, 2025
Welsh Secretary digs in on undermining devolution
The broadcaster says that Jo Stevens spoke after Labour Senedd member Alun Davies said ministers in Cardiff were being "humiliated" by the UK government's stance on devolution:
Davies was one of 11 Labour backbenchers in Cardiff Bay who signed a letter attacking how funding for the Pride in Place scheme was going directly to local councils, bypassing Welsh ministers.
But Stevens said "my job is to make sure that we get more in Wales, not less, and I'm not going to turn money away".
Plaid Cymru leader Rhun ap Iorwerth used a debate in the Welsh Parliament on Wednesday evening to accuse Sir Keir Starmer of "an abject lack of delivery for Wales".
In the debate Davies criticised how the country is funded and disagreements over powers with Westminster, saying it was "not fair that Wales is treated the way it is".
There is a split within Labour between Westminster and Cardiff on where power should lie in devolved areas.
A visit to Port Talbot on Thursday by Jo Stevens was the first opportunity for a member of the UK cabinet to respond to the criticism from Labour Cardiff Bay politicians.
Stevens said Pride in Place funding was "about making sure that people in Wales get what they need and what they deserve in order to make improvements to their lives".
"So if you open your door in the morning and there's a bus shelter that's broken or you haven't got enough bins in your town centre, people want these things fixed," she told BBC Wales.
"That's what they want, that's what their priorities are.
"And there is money going to every single local authority in Wales in order to do those sorts of things."
Stevens was asked what her message was to Labour Senedd members "causing her a bit of a headache".
"I met with all the Labour MSs last week, actually, and I spend a lot of my time out and about with Labour MSs all over Wales," she said.
"We are doing a job of work for the people of Wales, and I will be absolutely fully behind the First Minister, Eluned Morgan, as we go into the run-up to the elections next year."
Davies told the Senedd on Wednesday he wanted "equality for our country within the United Kingdom", having earlier argued that policing powers should also be devolved to Wales.
"It is not fair that Wales is treated the way it is, and it is not fair that Welsh ministers are humiliated – and we saw it this afternoon – having to run to catch up because they don't know what's being said from London," he said.
"It's not fair that Welsh ministers need to try to explain that rail funding is fair when it's self-evidently not, that Barnett is fair when it is self-evidently not."
The Barnett formula is used by the UK Treasury to set funding for Wales, Scotland and Northern Ireland.
The Welsh government has said the formula should be changed because it does not meet Wales' needs.
Stevens is right of course about the priorities of people in Wales, but under the present settlement, it is not her job to deliver on them, it is the job of Welsh government.
Like previous Tory governments and, as revealed by the release of confidential papers yesterday, previous Labour governments as well, the Secretary of State for Wales and her fellow ministers do not get devolution and do not like giving up power and influence to devolved administrations.
